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Sarah Bliss

Female 1711 - Aft 1734  (> 24 years)


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Generation: 1

  1. 1.  Sarah Bliss was born on 10 Dec 1711 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts (daughter of Thomas Bliss and Sarah Dorchester); died after 1734 in of, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    Sarah married Stephen Stebbins on 9 Oct 1733 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts. Stephen (son of Samuel Stebbins and Hannah Hitchcock) was born on 16 Oct 1711 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died after 1722. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]


Generation: 2

  1. 2.  Thomas Bliss was born on 22 Jan 1684 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts (son of Samuel Bliss and Sarah Stebbins); died after 1729.

    Thomas married Sarah Dorchester on 1 Nov 1710. Sarah (daughter of James Dorchester and Sarah Parsons, (daughter?)) was born on 20 Mar 1692 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 16 Sep 1745 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]


  2. 3.  Sarah Dorchester was born on 20 Mar 1692 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts (daughter of James Dorchester and Sarah Parsons, (daughter?)); died on 16 Sep 1745 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    Children:
    1. 1. Sarah Bliss was born on 10 Dec 1711 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died after 1734 in of, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    2. Margaret Bliss was born on 3 Aug 1715 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 16 Jun 1744 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    3. Miriam Bliss was born on 27 Sep 1717 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 26 Nov 1789.
    4. Jemima Bliss was born on 15 May 1720 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died after 1745 in of, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    5. Ann Bliss was born on 24 Apr 1722 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 2 May 1772 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    6. Mary Bliss was born on 30 Sep 1728 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 6 Apr 1804 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts.


Generation: 3

  1. 4.  Samuel Bliss was born on 7 Nov 1647 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts (son of Nathaniel Bliss and Catherine Chapin); died on 19 Jun 1749 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    Notes:

    The following account is reported in 1636 - 1675, Early History of
    Springfield, an address delivered 1875, 200 year anniversary of the buring of Springfield by Indians.

    1671. On a Sunday, Aquossowump, and Indian, entered the home of Sam Bliss. Although the Bliss attempted to stop him, the Indian took 20 fathum of wampum from Mrs. Bliss' wooden chest. The Indian was arrested, identified by the children, and confessed. He was fined his "spare coate & ye wampum found with him" which was delivered to Sam Bliss, and was given 20 lashes. For story of burning of Springfield, see Deacon Samuel Chapin.


    19 JUN 1749 in Springfield, Massachusetts
    Reference Number: 2278
    Note: Died at the age of 102. He left 168 descendants: 6 children, 38 grandchildren, 114 great-grandchildren and 10 great-great-grandchildren.

    Samuel married Sarah Stebbins on 2 Jan 1672 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. Sarah (daughter of Lt. Thomas* Stebbins and Hannah* Wright, (daughter?)) was born on 8 Aug 1654 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 6 Nov 1721 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]


  2. 5.  Sarah Stebbins was born on 8 Aug 1654 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts (daughter of Lt. Thomas* Stebbins and Hannah* Wright, (daughter?)); died on 6 Nov 1721 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    Notes:

    "Life and Times of Henry Burt of Springfield," Henry M. Burt and Silas W. Burt, 1893, pg 236 states "His daughter Sarah, by his first wife, married January 2, 1672, Samuel Bliss, son of John and Patience Burt Bliss." This is in error because the first of John and Patience Bliss children was born in 1668.

    Children:
    1. Samuel Bliss was born on 10 Aug 1677 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 21 Dec 1724 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    2. Nathaniel Bliss was born on 8 Sep 1678 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 12 Mar 1751.
    3. Sarah Bliss was born in Oct 1681 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 26 Feb 1751 in Brimfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    4. Margaret Bliss was born on 23 Nov 1683 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died after 1721.
    5. 2. Thomas Bliss was born on 22 Jan 1684 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died after 1729.
    6. Hannah Bliss was born in Aug 1687 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 15 Apr 1711.
    7. John Bliss was born on 4 Nov 1690 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 8 Oct 1784 in Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    8. Samuel Bliss was born on 25 Apr 1694 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 21 Dec 1724.
    9. Ebenezer Bliss was born on 04 Mar 1695 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 29 Aug 1784 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

  3. 6.  James Dorchester was born in 1645 in Windsor, Hartford Co, Connecticut (son of Anthony* Dorchester, Jr. (immigrant) and Mrs. Sarah (..) Dorchester); died on 10 Nov 1732 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    James married Sarah Parsons, (daughter?) on 1 Mar 1676 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. Sarah (daughter of Joseph Parsons and Mary Bliss, (witch trials)) was born on 13 Aug 1656 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; was christened on 18 Aug 1656 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 27 Jun 1740 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]


  4. 7.  Sarah Parsons, (daughter?) was born on 13 Aug 1656 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; was christened on 18 Aug 1656 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts (daughter of Joseph Parsons and Mary Bliss, (witch trials)); died on 27 Jun 1740 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    Children:
    1. 3. Sarah Dorchester was born on 20 Mar 1692 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 16 Sep 1745 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    2. Mary Dorchester was born on 30 Sep 1694 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 2 Apr 1775 in Somers, Tolland, Connecticut.


Generation: 4

  1. 8.  Nathaniel Bliss was born on 28 Dec 1622 in Rodborough, Glouchestershire, England (son of Thomas Bliss and Margaret Lawrence Hulines); died on 8 Nov 1654 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    Notes:

    www.ancestry.com
    THE PIONEERS OF MASSACHUSETTS,

    Nathaniel, Springfield, propr. 1646. He m. 20 (9) 1646, Katharine Chapin; ch. Samuel b. 7 (9) 1647, Margaret b. 12 (9) 1649, Mary b. 23 (7) 1651, Nathaniel b. 27 (1) 1653. He was bur. 18 (9) 1654. His widow m. 31 (4) 1655, Thomas Gilbert; he d. 5 June, 1662, and she m. Samuel Marshfield. Mary, (m. 26 (9) 1646, Joseph Parsons,) Sarah, m. 20 (5) 1659, John Scott,) and Hester, (m. Dec. 26, 1661, Edward Foster,) may be ch. of Nathaniel.

    Nathaniel married Catherine Chapin on 20 Nov 1646 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. Catherine (daughter of Deacon Samuel* Chapin, (immigrant) (J-FFDNA-5r) and Cicely* Penney, (immigrant)) was born in 1626 in Paignton, Devonshire, England; died on 04 Feb 1713 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; was buried in Springfield Cem, Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]


  2. 9.  Catherine Chapin was born in 1626 in Paignton, Devonshire, England (daughter of Deacon Samuel* Chapin, (immigrant) (J-FFDNA-5r) and Cicely* Penney, (immigrant)); died on 04 Feb 1713 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; was buried in Springfield Cem, Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    Notes:

    From A Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of New England from the Chapin family:

    "Catharine m. 20 Nov. 1646, Nathaniel Bliss; next, 3 or 31 July 1655, Thomas Gilbert; and third, 28, Dec. 1664, Samuel Marshfield, and to ea. bore four ch."

    and from the Bliss:

    "[Nathaniel's] wid. m. 31 July foll. Thomas Gilbert, by him had four ch. and m. 28 Dec. 1664 Samuel Marshfield, and had four more, so as to count one doz. ch.

    Children:
    1. 4. Samuel Bliss was born on 7 Nov 1647 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 19 Jun 1749 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    2. Margaret Bliss was born on 12 Nov 1649 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 03 Apr 1745 in Colcester, Connecticut.
    3. Nathaniel Bliss was born on 27 Mar 1654 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 23 Dec 1736 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; was buried in Longmeadow Burying Grounds, Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

  3. 10.  Lt. Thomas* Stebbins was born in 1620 in Bocking, Essex, England; was christened about 1626 in Ipswich, Suffolk, England (son of Rowland* Stebbins, (Immigrant) and Sarah* Whiting); died on 15 Sep 1683 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    Other Events and Attributes:

    • Emigration: Apr 1634, "The FRANCES", Ipswitch, Suffolk, England

    Notes:

    He was a tailor.

    Thomas was born in Bocking, Essex, England, about 1619, the son of Rowland Stebbins and Sarah Whitting. When he was 14 years old he immigrated to Massachusetts with his parents and several other brothers and sisters. He met and married Hannah in Massachusetts. She was the daughter of Samuel Wright and Margaret Stratton. (Hannah's parentage disputed)

    Thomas probably lived most of his life in Springfield MA. He was, however, one of the original proprietors of Brimfield, Massachusetts.  (Brimfield is about 20 miles east of Springfield and 6 miles west of Sturbridge. His brother, Deacon John Stebbins, and nephew, John Jr., were also proprietors.) 

    Thomas was a Sargeant in the militia during the King Phillip?s war with the Indians and was a participant at the Turner Fall?s fight with the Indians. The fight was named after Colonel Turner who was the commander at the time and was killed there. Thomas later made the rank of Lieutenant.

    Thomas shows up in the court?s records of Springfield a number of times. For example:

    1. (not included in list)

    2. Town Office; 2 Nov 1647; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 3. "Thomas Stebinges was Sworne Constable according to the oath of the Generall Court: under Mr. Nowells hand."

    3. Employment; 25 Jul 1653; Springfield, Hampden Co. MA 4. [torn]n accot of what I haue laid out [torn] Mill dam 25 July 1653 pd Goodm Stebbins for 7 d

    (inserted from another site http://www.genealogy.theroyfamily.com/p3387.htm)
    He witnessed the deed purchasing Northampton, Massachusetts on 24 September 1653.1

    4. Oath of Freemanship/Allegiance; 24 Apr 1654; Springfield, on & Elizur Holyoke) Sworne to be freemen of this Jurisdiction.": Thomas Stebbins "made free in the Bay"

    5. Provided Bond; 24 Mar 1654/55; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 3. Joined with Deacon Samuel Wright in providing bond that Samuel's son, Samuel Wright Jr., would abide by the order to support the illegitimate child that he fathered upon Mary Burt.

    6. Jury Duty; 27 Sep 1659; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 3.

    7. Jury Duty; 7 Apr 1660; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 3. Served on the jury investigating the death by drowning of Ebenezer Herman, youngest child of John Herman who was found dead in the brook in Nathaneell Pritchard's yard. The death was ruled accidental.

    8. Jury Duty; 26 Mar 1661; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 3.

    9. Jury Duty; 30 Sep 1662; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA.

    10. Lawsuit; 30 Sep 1662; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 3. Thomas Stebbin Plantiffe contra Widow Sacket defendant in action of debt with damages to the vallue of Three pounds: In this last action the July fynd for the Plantiffe vizt Thomas Stebbin the summe of forty shillings and the coust of the Corte vizt 10s for the entry of the action.

    11. Military Service; 30 Sep 1662; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA . Chosen to be the "Eldest Serjeant" of the Springfield Train Band.

    12. Served as Attorney; 17 Mar 1662/63; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA "Serjant Stebbins of Sprinfeild Atturney for Mr. Goodwin of Hadley complaynes against Widdow Sackett late of Sprinfeild Admistratrix and William Blomfeild Administrator to the estate of Symon Sackett deceased in an action of debt due upon account together with damage to the value of Six and Thirty shiflings."

    14. Signed Petition; 2 Feb 1668/69; Springfield Hampden Co., MA 12. Signed a petition protesting the imposition by England of customs upon goods being exported into and from Massachusetts Colony.

    15. Employment; 10 Mar 1671/72; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 13. From John Pynchon's Account books: Accounts Paid out for John Artsell [n.d. but before 25 May 1671] To Tho Stebbings Jun 01 Volume V, Part 1, 1672 - 1693 . Page 156 [p 421] Accounts Paid out for ?My Son John Pynchon DR? March 10 1671/72 To paymt for you to Tho Stebbing

    16. VR - Marriage; 19 Sep 1672; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 14. Thomas Stebbings Jun. & Abigall Munn Joined in Mariage Sept. 19 1672 There is also a record for Lt. Thomas Stebbins & Abigail Mun widow for 15 Dec 1676

    17. Military Service; 19 May 1676; Upper Falls of the Connecticut River, MA 15. Listed in 1736 as being among those who fought under Capt. Wm. Turner against the Indians in the Falls Fight.

    18. Oath of Freemanship/Allegiance; 1 Jan 1678/79; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 16.

    19. Lawsuit; 23 Sep 1680; Springfield, Hampden Co., MA 3. John Pope plantiff against Leiutenant Thomas Stebbins for Taking him off from a peice of Joinery worke and promising him sattisfaction which he now refuses: to the Damadge of said Pope 39s. Leiutenant Stebbins not owning it and noe profe being made either of Damage nor yet of any promise made by Leiutenant Stebbins to make him sattisfaction: I find of the defendant costs.

    http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~lcowen/HUDSON/thomas_stebbins.htm

    Thomas* married Hannah* Wright, (daughter?) on 16 Nov 1645 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. Hannah* (daughter of Deacon Samuel* Wright, Sr. and Margaret* (Stratton?)) was born between 1626 and 1628 in Wrightsbridge, Essex, England (maybe); died on 16 Oct 1660 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]


  4. 11.  Hannah* Wright, (daughter?) was born between 1626 and 1628 in Wrightsbridge, Essex, England (maybe) (daughter of Deacon Samuel* Wright, Sr. and Margaret* (Stratton?)); died on 16 Oct 1660 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    Other Events and Attributes:

    • Research Notes: 2 Jul 2012; familial relationships
    • Research Notes: 3 Jul 2012; parentage

    Notes:

    "Life and Times of Henry Burt of Springfield," Henry M. Burt and Silas W. Burt, 1893, pg 236

    It is no longer believed that she is daughter of Deacon Samuel because there was no mention of her or her children in either Samuel or Margaret's wills, nothing in her records indicating her parentage.
    With no records, it's anybody's guess, but here's the logic both for and against:


    http://www.family2remember.com/famtree/b565.htm
    (snip)
    In these wills (of Samuel and Margaret), the Deacon makes mention of each of his children, Samuel, Margaret, Hester, Lydia, Mary, James and Judah. Margaret, his wife, does much the same in her will mentioning also Hester's husband, Samuel Marshfield, and son James' daughter, Helped, to whom she bequeathed her bed.

    What is notable about these two wills is that neither the Deacon nor Margaret mention anything about Benjamin Wright or Hannah (Wright) Stebbins of Springfield who have been often assigned by previous researchers as his eldest children. What I think is most important is that there is no mention made of any of the children of Benjamin or Hannah
    (Wright) Stebbins, either. It is true that Hannah had died in 1661, prior to the Deacon (1665), and might not have been mentioned in his will (prepared 1663) for that reason. But Hannah's children were alive and husband, Thomas Stebbins, did not remarry until 7 years after the Deacon's death. So, if the Deacon was so diligent in bequeathing to each of his
    other children, and since he would have known at the time of making his will in 1663 that Hannah was dead, he would have known he had to make provisions for Hannah's portion to go to her children. Therefore, I think it is certain he would have named them in his will if they were his grandchildren. On the basis that neither he nor Margaret mention these
    potential grandchildren in their wills, I believe Benjamin and Hannah were not his children.

    Nevertheless, Benjamin and Hannah have often been assigned as the eldest children of the Deacon, and thought I do not believe this is the case, I do believe they may have been niece and nephew to the Deacon or some other relation. Certainly I believe they were some member of the large Wright clan to which the Deacon belonged (originating from Sir John Wright of Kelvedon Hatch, Co. Essex, England).
    (apparently DNA has challenged this)

    To belabor this a little further, a second line of evidence focuses on Hannah in particular. The Deacon and Hannah's husband, Lt. Thomas Stebbins, were involved with each other as trusted friends (see again, Pynchon Court Records in "Families of the Pioneer Valley," Regional Publications, West Springfield, MA 2000). For instance, on 24 March
    1654/55 Thomas Stebbins joined with the Deacon in providing a most personal and embarrassing bond to the Pynchon court in Springfield (in the matter of the illegitimate child the Deacon's son, Samuel Wright Jr., fathered upon his own sister-in-law, Mary Burt). This would have been a matter only very close friends would have joined together on. It has been used to indicate that Thomas was actually so close he was the son-in-law of the Deacon. So if the Deacon held the Stebbins family so close in his heart, why does he not bequeath something to these supposed grandchildren?

    There does not appear to have been any falling out between the Wrights and Stebbins. As late as 1659 the Deacon (or his son, we can't tell which) are arm in arm with Thomas' brother, John Stebbins, in a lawsuit against the town of Northampton. So there is not doubt the Wrights and Stebbins were close for a very long time. The question is, with this sort of close ties between the Deacon's family and the Stebbins family, had Hannah been the Deacon's daughter, her children would have almost certainly been mentioned in the Deacon's will, as being the recipients of her portion of his estate. Yet, they are not mentioned.

    ______________________

    note by ss:
    Because Thomas Stebbins co-bonded with Samuel Sr. that Samuel Jr would care for his illegitimate child indicates some close connection. Also, Hannah named her firstborn Samuel Wright Stebbins. It seems to me to be a bit hasty to exclude her as a potential daughter because of lack of mention in the wills.
    My consideration in this is that in looking closely at Margaret's will, it seems to be mostly a carry-through of Samuel's more so than her own. However, Judah was mentioned in Samuel's and not in Margaret's, and he was still living. Samuel Jr. predeceased his mother, but his children were not provided for by her. So, not inconsistent that IF Hannah had been a deceased daughter, that she or her children would be mentioned in Margaret's will.

    On the other hand, Samuel's will, since he was so close to Thomas Stebbins, assuming for just a moment Hannah was indeed his daughter, is it possible that when Hannah died, 3 yrs before Samuel even wrote his will, he chose to settle with his widowered son-in-law to provide for his grandchildren at that time, thus their absence of mention in his will. It appears she died from complication of the birth of twins. That, along with leaving other small children with no mother, was a very sad situation and emotions would have been running high. Not knowing Thomas' financial situation, perhaps he could have used the help of receiving her share from Samuel's inheritance early to provide for these motherless children. Also, Thomas did get them raised before he married again, which was unusual as the men usually found another mother pretty soon. Which makes me wonder if maybe Samuel helped out all along rather than in one lump sum and considered it a tradeoff for Hannah's share. That makes even more sense.
    But unfortunately, unless there were some record of transfer of funds or property to Thomas Stebbins around that time period, this could never be anything but sheer speculation.
    But, nevertheless, Hannah is undoubtedly from the same family line, whether she be a cousin or a niece or a sister or a child -- her lineage would be the same, at least on her paternal side.
    ss

    Birth:
    If she is a daughter, her age has to fit in the family:
    If Mary born 1628 and 1630 then Hannah would be 1626 to 1628.
    Samuel in school 1624 - so plenty of time for Samuel to have his school and then marry. This age would have Hannah marrying at 17 or 19.

    Research Notes:
    ----- Original Message -----
    From: hardmba@aol.com
    To: erbaker35@gmail.com ; lumoto@aol.com
    Sent: Tuesday, July 03, 2012 1:15 AM
    Subject: Re: thoughts on Hampden Wrights


    Hi, Sherry and Ellen,

    The DNA evidence that Able Wright and Deacon Samuel Wright were not of the same family line comes from the Y-DNA analysis of proven descendants of Abel Wright of Springfield, MA, of Dea. Samuel Wright of Springfield and Northampton, MA and of Thomas Wright of Wethersfield, CT. What we find by Y-DNA analysis is that the male line of Abel Wright descendants are all in the haploid group R1b1, whereas those of both Deacon Samuel Wright and Thomas Wright of Wethersfield are all haploid E1b1b1a2. These two haploids are known to have separated over 45,000 years ago in northeastern Africa so there is no way, outside of a NPE in the Abel Wright line between about 43 C.E. and 1639, that these two Wright families were related in even an anthropological sense.

    Abel Wright's male line R1b1 haploid comes from a very ancient Celtic line that first arrived 10,000 years ago in England & Ireland following the end of the last ice age. They came from the Basque country of Spain at that time, following the receding ice sheets northward along the Western coastline of Europe. They crossing to the main British Isles over the land bridges that existed for centuries between the Continent and England as the ice sheets continued slowly to melt and move northward toward the present day Arctic circle. Eventually enough ice melted that the sea levels rose to submerge these land bridges and the ancient settlements that were built on them to give us the English Channel that we see today. Only recently have undersea archeologists been able to explore these submerged lands and excavate some of these long lost stone age settlements. In any case, the R1b1 haploid has been in the British Isles for so long that it is found today with equally high frequency in every part of England, Ireland, Scotland and the outlying islands of all three. This is the most ancient haploid in England that has spread out evenly all over the British Isles.

    By contrast,the haploid of Dea. Samuel Wright and Thomas Wright, E1b1b1a2, is a relatively recent arrival in England. The original men who came to England with this haploid arrived in large numbers with the Roman Army in the first century C.E. They were men who had been recruited/conscripted into the Roman Army between 50 B.C and 49 C.E. from the Dardanian 'barbarian' tribes of the Balkans (specifically from an area lying north of a line between Pec and Pristinia, Kosovo). The Dardanians were a tribe of mixed Illyrian and Thracian ancestry who are first recorded by the Roman historian Justin in the second century C.E. as having been an Illyrian-Thracian tribe who recognized the supreme authority of Macedonia's King Phillip II in 357 B.C. Mercenary soldiers, like the Dardanians, served the Roman army as members of the 'auxilia' calvary cohorts attached to specific Roman Legions. Because they were not Roman citizens they could not serve in the Legions, but they could serve in the auxilia of any legion Rome felt needed extra man power or special combat skills. The Dardanians were respected by the Romans for their skill on horseback fighting over rough terrain with lance and sword. Dardanians were also experienced in establishing mining operations for lead, gold and silver ore, so were able to perform double duty for the Roman Army both in its conquests and its occupations. Our anthropological research suggests strongly that the original immigrant father to England was in the auxilia of Legio XX and had retired near Londinium from the Roman Army prior to 68 C.E., was called back up to help put down the Incenian revolt of Boadicea in 68 C.E., and then retired from military service a second time with full Roman citizenship and a small estate in or near the 'colonia' re-established near Colchester, England after the revolt was put down. Here he is most likely to have lived out the rest of his life with his sons inheriting his estate according to Roman tradition. Thus began the long climb to the status of wealthy landed gentry for this line of men.

    Because the E1b1b1a2 haploid is such a recent arrival in England, it has not had time to spread evenly throughout the population of England to achieve the kind of uniformity in geographical distribution we see with haploid R1b1. It is that unique fact that makes the anthropological study of this haploid infinitely easier than trying to figure out from where in England the male line of a man with R1b1 haploid might have started. As a result of this fortunate circumstance, when we plot the location of haploid E1b1b1a2 in England among the general population of men sampled in a number of different genetic sampling studies in England (see Steven Byrd, Journal of Genetic Genealogy. 3(2):26-46, 2007), we find the highest concentration of men with present day E1b1b1a2 haploid occur around the geographical locations where the Romans built their forts and stationed their troops. Specifically the highest concentration of E1b1b1a2 haploid in England is found around Chester, England. This is not surprising because between 50 C.E. and 410 C.E. Chester was the principle base of the Roman Army's Legio XX. But before being stationed at Chester, Legio XX was stationed between 43 C.E. and 49 C.E. in Colchester and Londinium. Legio XX cadre also figured prominently in the building of Hadrian's wall. That men from the E1b1b1a2 Illyrian-Thracian ancestry of the Balkans were involved in the garrisons of each checkpoint built along Hadrian's wall is attested to by the small increase in the frequency of occurrence of their haploid among the local population of men living today near these ancient fortifications. Likewise we find small increases in the frequency of occurrence of E1b1b1a2 haploids around the four most northern so called 'Saxon shore forts' built by the Romans in the mid 4th century. This too, makes good sense because we know from Roman records these first few forts were built with troops that were re-deployed from Hadrian Wall garrisons. This is in contrast to the southern Saxon shore forts where there is hardly a trace of E1b1b1a2 haploid in their vicinity today and we know that they were built by Roman Army legions whose auxilia were not of Balkan origins. There is also almost no trace of E1b1b1a2 haploid in Ireland, where the Romans never set foot.

    We know from DNA evidence that Thomas Wright and Dea. Samuel Wright were of the same English family because the Y-DNA profiles of their respective descendants are almost identical. We know from documentation that Thomas Wright was a direct male descendant of Robert Wright of Kelvedon Hatch (1522-1563) and Mary Green Manor on Bridgestreet in Brentwood (the Moat House). Even though we do not have the best documentation of the parentage and marriage of Deacon Samuel Wright in England, the Y-DNA evidence supports the proposal that he is also a Kelvedon Hatch Wright. Our research of the English records has not improved the documentation trail substantially over what has been done before on the question of the Deacon's parents, other than to firmly rule out Nathaniel and Lydia (nee James) Wright as possible parents and reconfirm John Wright and Martha Castell as his most likely parents. If we accept the current best proposal that Dea. Samuel Wright was the son of John Wright, Esq. (1569 - 1640) and Martha Castell (dau. Robert Castell, Esq. 1571 - 1610) of South Weald parish, Co. Essex, England, then, we can show from existing documents that John Wright, Esq. (1569-1640) was the grandson of Myddle John Wright (1524- 1558) who inherited the estate of Wrightsbridge, among other prosperities, from his father, John Wright of Kelvedon Hatch. By this connection we understand that Thomas Wright of Wethersfield was Deacon Samuel Wright's third cousin.

    So, there is now no doubt they are of the same English family no matter how much we might want to quibble over which member of the Kelvedon Hatch Wright family was the Deacon's father. The evidence that does exist; The fact that John and Martha Castell were of the Wrightsbridge branch of the family, the fact that there is a clear baptismal record that we find in the South Weald parish register of St. Peters listing a Samuel Wright, son of "Mr Wright of the Bridge" (meaning Wrightsbridge) baptized 29 (or 30) June 1606, the fact that a substantial gentleman and Barrister would typically be referred to in public records as "Mr.", and the Emmanuel college matriculation record of 1624, a college whose focus was the training of Puritan ministers, the fact that in the MSS of Charles I there is an oath of allegiance record of one Nathaniel Wright giving oath in behalf of his brother, Samuel, who has gone to New England, and lastly, the leading role we find Dea. Samuel Wright playing in the churches of Springfield and Northampton, giving evidence by the New England records of his advanced theological training and recognized abilities to preach the sermon in the absence of the church minister in those places. All these are most consistent with Deacon Samuel Wright being the son of John Wright, Esq., of Wrightsbridge. All we lack for a traditional genealogical connection proof is a second vital statistic record by which we could verify the one we have.

    If only we had just one more document: a ship passenger record, or a marriage record for Samuel and Margaret, or birth records in England or New England for their first five children. But these have not been turned up in over 150 years of research effort by a dozen genealogist of different ages . There are also no English probate records for John Wright, Esq. nor for Dea. Samuel & Margaret Wright. Although there are wills for both Dea. Samuel and Margaret Wright, they do not leave us any clues regarding their English origins nor kinships with their supposed eldest children, Hanna Wright and Benjamin Wright. (who I remain firmly convinced were not their children, though Hanna may have been the Deacon's ward for a short time before she married. We believe, now that the Y-DNA evidence we have for Thomas Wright and Dea. Samuel Wright descendants are sufficiently supportive of the currently proposed parental connection for Dea. Samuel Wright that it is no longer a matter of speculation despite the lack of that key second vital statistic record.

    One thing about the Y-DNA data that gives us the courage to say we have proven his parentage is that, so far, we have only one other male participant in the Wright-DNA project who falls into the E1b1b1 haploid which is not likely to be a Kelvedon Hatch Wright descendant. Therefore, we have been persuaded that any American Wright who is positive for E1b1ba2 haploid is almost certainly a descendant of either Thomas Wright of Wetherfield, CT or Deacon Samuel Wright of Springfield & Northampton, MA. That narrows the field considerably in where and whose descendant family you can belong to and where those who do not have the documentation they would like can concentrate their research efforts to the best benefit. They are also most certainly related to well known people such as Ethan Allen, NY. Gov. Silas Wright, Wilbur and Orville Wright and Nancy Reagan, to name just a few and that always spices up the quest for the documentation to show those relationships.

    In concluding this section on the Wright DNA project results for Kelvedon Hatch Wrights, I think the large number of participants (20) has helped us confirm our English origins as well as delineated some differences between various branches within the Kelvedon Hatch Wright family that can help those whose documentation is missing or sketchy focus their efforts better on certain branches of the family where they appear to belong, genetically. To view those results go to www.wright-dna.org and click on "all other haploids" under the RESULTS tab in the upper left hand corner of the home page. Scroll down the results table to the E1b1b1a2 haploid, which is also labeled "Kelvedon Hatch Wrights...."
    Examine the marker values for the various and click on the top "Samuel (1665)" oldest ancestor selection. This will take you to a pdf chart of the descendant line of John Wright (d. 1551) so far as we have Y-DNA participants/representatives now. The only disagreement I have with the chart is that I do not believe Henry Wright (1424 - before 1468) was the first ancestor. I believe this is a misunderstanding/misinterpretation of the entry in Morant's "History and Antiquities of the County of Essex..." (1768). The Henry Wright Morant refers to in his discussion of this family lived in the 1590s and married Anna Whitebread in White Notely (marriage record found there) and was of the Elder John Wright line, which is how the Kelvedon Hatch Wright family came into possession of White Notely Hall later in the 17th century. A number of other researchers have tried to conclude from Morant's rather vague remarks, that this Henry Wright and Anna Whitebread (dau. of Thomas) both lived nearly 100 years before they actually did. It is hard to argue with a marriage record that is clearly dated in the next century as well as birth records for them and their children. It simply was not so that Anna Whitebread married Henry Wright in 'ca. 1446. As a result, I believe the first solid record we have for the Kelvedon Hatch Wright family is that of John Wright, 1488-1551 of South Weald and Kelvedon Hatch. I would wipe Henry Wright and John Wright (1450 - 1509) off that chart and replace them with question marks. I have seen no evidence that there are any records anywhere in England for these two men as progenitors of this Wright family.

    As for the Wrights of Kelvedon Hatch being Catholic, it needs to be understood that almost all Englishmen were Catholics until Henry VIII broke with the Catholic Church and established the Anglican church. After that, Catholics were essentially outlawed, so one had to make choices; toe the Royal line, or go underground. The original John Wright of Kelvedon Hatch (1488 - 1551) was firmly attached to Henry VIII and so it is no doubt that, despite being raised a Catholic, he had no problems becoming an 'Anglican' Catholic when Henry VIII required it. Likewise his sons all appear to have had no problem becoming Anglicans in their own generation and appeared NOT to have taken the Catholic side during Mary's brief reign. This unity behind the Anglican Church did not last indefinitely, however. It was the next generation where all the religious and political fracturing of the Kelvedon Hatch Wright family group occurred. Out of that fracturing there emerged members of the Kelvedon Hatch Wright family who were everything from staunch Catholics (Papists) to staunch Puritan Calvinists. The period between 1550 and 1644 saw tremendous upheaval in almost every facet of English life & religion led the way. So, to study what happened to the Kelvedon Hatch Wright family in this period of time is to see an excellent reflection of what was happening all over the England of this period.

    As with many of the emerging gentry families in the years of the reign of Elizabeth I, men of the Wright family were privileged enough to go to University at a time when the Universities were coming into their own as institutions of intellectual freedom and radical thinking. As a result many of them came home from their school days with even more radical ideas of what religion should be that went beyond the simplifications of the Catholic faith that Henry VIII's and Elizabeth I's Common Book of Prayer represent. These 'enlightened' Englishmen and their European counterparts (such as Luther and Calvin) brought a wave of intellectualization to religion that had not previously held much sway as a political force within either the Catholic or Anglican church. By the mid 1580' their 'Puritan' ideas had gained enough of a following among the high and mighty of England, that the influential followers of this intellectualized Protestant faith, such as Sir Walter Mildmay, Exchequer to the Queen and Sir Robert Rich, Lord of the Ongar Hundred, dared to establish colleges for the training of 'Anglican' ministers in the 'Puritan' style. One such college was Emmanuel College at Cambridge University, established in 1584 by Sir Mildmay. Dea. Samuel Wright's father, John Wright, Esq., Clerk of the House of Commons (1613 - 1639), matriculated Emmanuel College in 1585 in its second class, presumably as a prelude to entering the ministry. However, it is apparent that he was of a less ideological nature and more of a practical man. He entered the study of the law at Gray's Inn rather than continue studies to become a minister and became a quite influential London barrister, becoming the King's man in the House of commons by assuming the role of Clerk of the House of Commons in 1613 and holding that post continuously until just before his death. The Clerk was paid from the King's Exchequer and owed the King his primary allegiance, but in 1621 John Wright was arrested by the King and his papers confiscated because he was involved in a matter King James considered contrary to the interests of the Crown. John Wright was, to some degree, his own man and a man of the Commons rather than its overseer as the King intended. Later, John Wright's eldest son, John, also attended Emmanuel and went on into the law via Grays Inn. Dea. Samuel Wright also matriculated Emmanuel in 1624 and seems to have found no living to his liking in ministry in England and went to New England seeking religious freedom and adventure. Even Nathaniel and Lydia (nee James) Wright's eldest son, Samuel, attended Emmanuel College. This Samuel Wright matriculated Emmanuel as a 29 year old man in 1644 and later received a DD degree from Oxford. That is how we know he was not the Deacon Samuel Wright who was in Agawam (Springfield) in 1639.

    While two branches of the Kelvedon Hatch family (from Robert Wright of Brookstreet & from Myddle John Wright of Wrightsbridge) were moving in the direction of embracing a more Puritan view of religion, the elder line of John Wright the Elder, of Kelvedon Hall whose line held the manor estate of Kelvedon Hall in Kelvedon Hatch were being wooed by noted Catholic Papists, William Byrd and Gabriel Colford. In 1605 it appears that these twp were successful in converting both John Wright, Lord of Kelvedon Hall and his sister Ann to the Catholic faith. Their Elder line of Wrights remained Catholic from 1605 onward for as long as they held the estate and manor of Kelvedon Hall (to 1922).

    Not much is known about the religious inclinations of the youngest of John Wright's (1488-1551) sons, Young John Wright. We suspect that we do not know much about that branch of the family because they were devout in their attendance to the Anglican church, and thus avoided being recorded in the ecclesiastical and quarter session court records as recusants or papists as was true for those in the other three male branches of the family.

    I hope this rather tedious discourse was of assistance to you in sorting out the many rumors and falsehoods that have sprung up over the last 150 years concerning the Kelvedon Hatch Wright family and Deacon Samuel Wright. They were an ambitious, industrious and prosperous bunch from the earliest of times but they have certainly left a spotty trail of evidence for their activities at many key turns in their lives. I was as stuck on Dea. Samuel Wright's parentage as all of the previous genealogist who tried to pin down an English origins for him, until we were able to put the Y-DNA evidence together. I hesitate to say such scientific evidence as Y-DNA is even better than traditional documentation, but only because it feels so incredibly good to finally unearth a key document that lays out a connection that appears nowhere else in the written record.

    Our current research in England involves locating living descendants of John Wright the Elder and Young John Wright as well as more of those from Myddle John Wright and Robert Wright and persuading them to participate in the Y-DNA testing & research. We continue to look for records in England as part of that effort, and continue to hope we run across records related more directly to Dea. Samuel Wright in the process. I'll probably still be looking for Dea. Samuel Wright documents the day I die.

    Always good to hear from you, Ellen. Hope you are feeling well and keeping busy. Thanks for copying me on Sherry's e-mail and I hope I was able to help some.

    Best Regards,
    Mike Wright


    ============================================

    Forwarded to me by Mary Jo on Jul 2, 2012

    -------- Original Message --------
    Subject: Abel Wright English Ancestry
    From: hardmba@aol.com
    Date: Thu, March 08, 2012 10:05 pm
    To: maryjo@mjgen.com


    Dear MaryJo,

    I ran across your web page for Abel Wright (d. 1725, m. Martha Kitcheral) and noticed that you has speculated that he was a Kelvedon Hatch Wright http://mjgen.com/wright/1wright.html. I wondered if you were aware of the FTDNA Y-DNA genetic data that shows that Abel's patrilineal descendant lines are not related to the Kelvedon Hatch Wrights. Abel appears, from genetic data, to have descended from an entirely different Wright line in England as compared to the known Kelvedon Hatch Wright immigrant fathers, Deacon Samuel Wright of Springfield and Northampton, MA (1606 - 1665) and his third cousin, Thomas Wright of Wethersfield, CT (1610 - 1670). I would refer you to the web page for the Wright DNA Project at www.wright-dna.org. You will find participants who have listed Abel Wright as their proven immigrant father under the results section for "All other Haplogrps" (upper left hand corner of home page). Abel Wright (1725) is listed under participants with the I1 haplogroup genetic profile. There are six different participants who share the Y-DNA profile of the one participant who has a document trail to Lt. Abel Wright of Springfield, MA. I have worked with one of them on the Deacon Samuel Wright line. He helped us persuade a cousin of Wilbur and Orville Wright that he knew personally to have his DNA tested so that we could show that Wilbur and Orville Wright were descendants of Deacon Samuel Wright, just as their father's genealogical work in the 1890's had suggested.

    At one time he, too, thought that Abel Wright was possibly related to the Kelvedon Hatch Wrights in Springfield (Dea. Samuel Wright). However, given the genetic evidence that Abel was a completely unrelated Wright of Norse lineage (Haploid I1), he has concluded that although Deacon Samuel Wright and Lt. Abel Wright undoubtedly knew each other, they were not related in any genealogical way.

    The Kelvedon Hatch Wrights are of Roman era origins in England and were in England long before Norsemen, Vikings, Danes or Saxons began coming to English shores. Abel Wright's Y-DNA profile is of Norse origins so his ancestors probably came to England as "the Vikings" three or four centuries after the Kelvedon Hatch Wright Roman ancestors were already well established in England. This Roman era arrival actually started out life, not as a Roman, but as a Dardanian tribesman recruited/conscripted by the Roman Army from a "barbarian" area of the Empire's Moesia Superior Principate in the Balkans. The Dardanian homeland was situated in an area that now lies between Pec and Pristinia, Kosovo. He served his time in the Roman Army probably between 25 and 75 C.E. as a mercenary soldier fighting with the calvary auxillary cohort of Roman Legion XX. He probably served first in Gaul and then accompanied Emperor Claudius for the invasion of England in 43 C.E. He retired from the Roman Army to Londinium (Roman London) and was later called up to help put down Queen Bodiccia's rebelion in 61-62 C.E. He appears to have been among those recalled veterans from the Londinium area who survived the battles of that rebellion and afterwards were re-retired as part of the veterans contingent chared with resettlement of the Roman Colonia at Colechester. Like the rest of the veterans of the Roman Army, he was granted full Roman citizenship and an estate sufficient to support himself and his native family. nearly 1400 years later one of his descendants, named John Wright, emerges into recorded history 30 miles from the old Roman colonia at Colchester; as a church divine from Dagenham, co. Essex. This ancestor's son is the John Wright (1488 - 1551) who purchased the tenancy of the principal Kelvedon Hatch estate from the Crown in 1538 for 493 pounds and change, and there founded the Kelvedon Hatch dynasty of Wrights who held Kelvedon Hall and its associated estate until the last male heir, Edward Carrington Wright, died in 1920.

    Unfortunately, we do not know as much about the pre-surname Viking ancestors of Lt. Abel Wright, but that is only because no one has taken up the chore of looking at the Viking settlement pattern on the east coast of England in order to find probable home towns from which Lt. Abel might have come, then gone there to research their local 5th century records and on to see if they can find him. We have 19 participants in our Kelvedon Hatch Wright DNA group and in addition, many outside resources, that have been brought to bear on the ancestry of Deacon Samuel Wright and his English family. I am sorry to say that Lt. Abel Wright's ancestor group has not enjoyed such extensive investigative effort. However, I would bet that if someone were to take up the chore, a very interesting history could be pieced together, if the town where he came from could ever be found. In a search for that town, I would start by studying the geographical pattern of modern day distribution of the I1 haploid in England and look at each town lying within those regions showing the highest concentrations of I1 haploid. I would then examine the records of each of those towns for any evidence of Wright families in the 1525-1625 timeframe. Those that had Wright families present would then get special attention to a detailed, on-site investigation of local records as well as anything housed in the National Archives and regional libraries, etc.

    That is how we built the entire English history of the Kelvedon Hatch Wright family to where it is today.....all the way back to 43 C.E. and beyond. It is amazing to know where your male line came from at the time of Christ's crusifixion!

    So, I have written to you to be sure you are advised of the interpretations of the Y-DNA data for these two family groups. I do not expect you to do anything in particular, but you might want to add a note or two to your web page about all this.

    Best Regards,
    Mike Wright

    Research Notes:

    note by ss:
    Because Thomas Stebbins co-bonded with Samuel Sr. that Samuel Jr would care for his illegitimate child indicates some close connection. Also, Hannah named her firstborn Samuel Wright Stebbins. It seems to me to be a bit hasty to exclude her as a potential daughter because of lack of mention in the wills.
    My consideration in this is that in looking closely at Margaret's will, it seems to be mostly a carry-through of Samuel's more so than her own. However, Judah was mentioned in Samuel's and not in Margaret's, and he was still living. Samuel Jr. predeceased his mother, but his children were not provided for by her. So, not inconsistent that IF Hannah had been a deceased daughter, that she or her children would be mentioned in Margaret's will.

    On the other hand, Samuel's will, since he was so close to Thomas Stebbins, assuming for just a moment Hannah was indeed his daughter, is it possible that when Hannah died, 3 yrs before Samuel even wrote his will, he chose to settle with his widowered son-in-law to provide for his grandchildren at that time, thus their absence of mention in his will. It appears she died from complication of the birth of twins. That, along with leaving other small children with no mother, was a very sad situation and emotions would have been running high. Not knowing Thomas' financial situation, perhaps he could have used the help of receiving her share from Samuel's inheritance early to provide for these motherless children. Also, Thomas did get them raised before he married again, which was unusual as the men usually found another mother pretty soon. Which makes me wonder if maybe Samuel helped out all along rather than in one lump sum and considered it a tradeoff for Hannah's share. That makes even more sense.
    But unfortunately, unless there were some record of transfer of funds or property to Thomas Stebbins around that time period, this could never be anything but sheer speculation.
    But, nevertheless, Hannah is undoubtedly from the same family line, whether she be a cousin or a niece or a sister or a child -- her lineage would be basically the same, at least on her paternal side. So, for now we'll leave her as a child of Samuel, but ancestry from this point going back will not be designated by the direct ancestor symbol of an aserisk.

    ss

    Children:
    1. Samuel Wright Stebbins was born on 19 Sep 1646 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 13 Jul 1708 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    2. Thomas Stebbins was born on 31 Jul 1648 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died after 1688.
    3. Joseph Stebbins was born on 18 May 1650 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 9 Nov 1651 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    4. Joseph* Stebbins, Sr was born on 24 Oct 1652 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 15 Oct 1728 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; was buried in Springfield Cem, Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    5. 5. Sarah Stebbins was born on 8 Aug 1654 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 6 Nov 1721 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    6. Edward Stebbins was born on 14 Apr 1656 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 31 Oct 1712 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    7. Benjamin Stebbins was born on 11 Apr 1658 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died after 1678.
    8. Hannah Stebbins was born on 1 Oct 1660 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died in 1677 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    9. Rowland Stebbins was born on 2 Oct 1660 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 24 Apr 1661 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

  5. 14.  Joseph Parsons was born in 1618 in Beaminster, Dorset, England; was christened about 25 Jun 1620 in St. Mary's, Beaminster, Dorset, England (son of (..) Parsons); died on 09 Oct 1683 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    Other Events and Attributes:

    • Immigration: 04 Jul 1635, Gravesend, England; Barque Transport

    Notes:

    Emigrated to the USA with his younger brother, Benjamin, at the age of 15 or 17 aboard the Barque Transport out of Gravesend, Co. Kent, England.
    According to one source - CT Family Histories - Benjamin and his brother Joseph Parsons sailed from Gravesend, England for Boston in the "Transport" on 4 Jul 1635.
    Other Parsons were in Springfield at this time.

    Other Parsons who resided in MA during this time were:
    Hugh PARSONS, Springfield in 1649, son Samuel born 1649.
    **Joseph PARSONS, Springfield in 1646; d. 9 Oct 1683, son Benjamin b. 1649.
    William PARSONS, Boston, admitted to church 1643; d. 29 Jan 1702, age 87.
    Samuel PARSONS at East Hampton, Long Island, NY in 1650.
    Thomas PARSONS at Dedham and Medfield, MA.
    (These men may have been brothers of Deacon Benjamin and **Cornet Joseph Parsons.)


    Mr. Parsons, associated with Mr. Pynchon, was`one of the most prominent men in the public business of the place, and qiute wealthy. He was witness to the deed given by the Indians to Pynchon, July 15, 1636. Joseph and Mary Parsons had five children before their removal to Northampton, Massachusetts, in 1654.( Their son Ebenezer, born in this place, May 1, 1655, was the first white child born oin the town, and he was killed by the Indians as Northfield, Sept. 2,1675) Here in Northampton they had seven more children, making twelve in all, but three, named Benjamin, John and David died young. Mary Bliss, the mother of this family, two years after the birth of her youngest child, was charged with witchcraft by some of her neighbors who were envious of their prosperity and endeavored in this way to disgrace them. She was sent to Boston, Massachusetts for trail, where the jury gave her full acquittal of the crime, and she return to Northampton, from whence they removed back to Springfield in 1679. Just after the acquittal in Boston, Massachusetts, her son Ebenezer was killed by Indians, and those who had been instrumental in bringing her to trail said: "Behold, though human judges may be bought off, God's vengeance neither turns aside nor slumbers." It is said that she possessed great beauty and talents, but was not very amiable.


    http://wc.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/igm.cgi?op=GET&db=princessinot&id=I00630


    The new settlement of Springfield, Mass., was laid out and conducted by William Pynchon, a man of great energy and enterprise and uncommon independence in religious opinions, which had brought him into great trouble in Boston, and eventually left SPringfield and returned home to England (1652) on account of the greater liberty of conscience enjoyed there than in the colonies. He was rich and liberal, and the settlers owed him better treatment than he received from them.
    http://wc.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/igm.cgi?op=GET&db=knrivers&id=I4094

    Birth:
    date, place of birth, and parents conflict among various researchers.

    Joseph married Mary Bliss, (witch trials) on 26 Nov 1646 in Hartford Co, Connecticut. Mary (daughter of Thomas Bliss and Margaret Lawrence Hulines) was born about 1623 in Rodborough, England; died on 29 Jan 1712 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]


  6. 15.  Mary Bliss, (witch trials) was born about 1623 in Rodborough, England (daughter of Thomas Bliss and Margaret Lawrence Hulines); died on 29 Jan 1712 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.

    Notes:

    Mary was charged with witchcraft 1674 and sent to Boston, Massachusetts for trail in 05-1675. She was acquitted by the jury and lived until 1712.


    Mary Bliss Parsons, wife of Cornet Joseph Parsons, daughter of Thomas and Margaret Bliss of Hartford, Ct., both very prominent families, was born in England about 1628 and came to this country with her parents when she was about eight years old. She was eleven or twelve when they decided on still another move, to the rude little settlement of Hartford. There for a time life stablized, and Mary grew to womanhood as an average member of an ordinary New England community. In 1646 she married Joseph Parsons, a successful merchant, and went to live in Springfield. Henceforth, her life would be increasingly set apart from the average.

    In 1654 the Parsonses moved to Northampton. The family, which included eleven children, became members of the church. Local tradition has remembered Mary as being "possessed of great beauty and talents, but ... not very amiable ... exclusive in the choice of her associates, and ... of haughty manners."

    In 1656, soon after the Parsons family moved to Northampton, Joseph Parsons brought an action for slander against Sarah Bridgeman, charging that Sarah had accused Mary, his wife, of being a witch. On the docket of the Middlesex County Court, for its session of October 7, 1656, is found the following entry: "Joseph Parsons, plaintiff, against Sarah, the wife of James Bridgman, defendant, in an action of the case for slandering her [Parson's wife] in her name. This action, by consent of both parties, was referred to the judgment of the Honored Bench of Magistrates." A separate document records the magistrates' finding in favor of the plaintiff and their order that the defendant make "public acknowledgment" of the wrong she had done. The acknowledgment was to be a dual performance - once in the town of Northampton and again at Springfield. Failure to fulfill either part of this requirement would result in a fine of £10.

    The testimony against Mary Parsons was that following hard upon the heels of any disagreement or quarrel between Mary Parsons and any member of the Bridgeman family, a fatal disease would seize upon some horse, cow, or pig, belonging to the Bridgeman family and, as the disease could not be accounted for in any other way, it must be the result of Mary's uncanny influence exercised by way of revenge.

    The first set of testimonies was recorded at Northampton on or about the 20th of June. For example: Robert Bartlett testifieth that George Langdon told him the last winter that Goody Bridgman and Goody Branch were speaking about Mary Parsons concerning her being a witch. And the said George told to the said Robert that my [Langdon's] wife being there said she could not think so - which the said Goody Bridgman seemed to be distates with. As also [according to Langdon] they had hard thoughts of the wife of the said Robert [Bartlett] because she was intimate with the said Mary Parsons."

    The other depositions in this early group enlarge on the gossip theme. The same Hannah Langdon mentioned in Bartlett's statement testified that "Sarah Bridgman ... told her that her boy when his knee was sore cried out of the wife of Joseph Parsons." Bridgman had also alleged widespread "jealousies that the wife of Joseph Parsons was not right." For a time Langdon herself had entertained suspicions of Mary Parsons, but recently "it hath pleased God to help her over them, ... and [she] is sorry she should have [had] hard thoughts of her upon no better grounds." These depositions converged on the issue of what Goody Bridgman had said.

    The second major group of papers in the case carries a date several weeks later. They were taken before a different official, and probably in a different place (Springfield). They expressed a different viewpoint, as the recorder noted at the top of the opening page: "Testimonies Taken on Behalf of Sarah, the wife of James Bridgman, the 11th day of August, 1656." The Bridgmans themselves supplied lengthy testimony on the events which had caused them to suspect Goody Parsons.

    The previous summer the Bridgemans' eleven-year-old son had suffered a bizarre injury while tending their cows: "In a swamp there came something and gave him a great blow on the had ... and going a little further he ... stumbled ... and put his knee out of joint." Subsequently, the knee was "set" but it would not heal properly - and he was in grievous torture about a month." Then the boy discovered the cause of his sufferings: "He cried out [that] Goody Parsons would pull off his knee, [saying] 'there she sits on the shelf.' ... I and my husband labored to quiet him, but could hardly hold him in bed for he was very fierce. We told him there was nobody ... 'Yea," says he, 'there she is; do you not see her? There she runs away and a black mouse follows her.' And this he said many times and with great violence ... and he was like to die in our apprehension." At about the same time the Bridgmans had also lost an infant son:

    "I [Sarah] being brought to bed, about three days after as I was sitting up, having the child in my lap, there was something that gave a great blow on the door. And that very instant, as I apprehended, my child changed. And I thought with myself and told my girl that I was afraid my child would die ... Presently .... I looking towards the door, through a hole ... I saw ... two women pass by the door, with white clothes on their heads; then I concluded my child would die indeed. And I sent my girl out to see who they were, but she could see nobody, and this made me think there is wickedness in the place."

    The decision of the court was in favor of the plaintiff and against Mrs. Bridgeman, and she was ordered to make public acknowledgment of her fault at Northampton and Springfield, and that her husband, James Bridgman, pay to plaintiff 10£ and cost of court.

    But the charge of witchcraft against Mary Parsons did not end with the judgment in the slander suit. Her name was cleared, but only from a legal standpoint. In the years that followed, her husband prospered ever more greatly, her children grew in number and (mostly) flourished, her mother and brothers sank the Bliss family roots deep into the CT Valley. But her reputation for witchcraft hung on.

    In 1674 the whole matter was renewed in court - with the important difference that now Mary Parsons was cast as defendant. Unfortunately, most of the evidence from this later case has disappeared. All that survives is the summary material from the dockets of the two courts involved. In August 1674, a young woman of Northampton, Mary Bartlett, had died rather suddenly. She was twenty-two, wife of Samuel Bartlett and the mother of an infant son. More importantly, she was a daughter of Sarah and James Bridgman. Her husband and father jointly believed, as they later testified in court, that "she came to her end by some unlawful and unnatural means, ... viz. by means of some evil instrument." And they had distinct ideas about the person most likely to have used such means..

    On September 29, the Hampshire County Court received "diverse testimonies" on the matter. Mary Parsons was also there - on her own initiative: "She having intimation that such things were bruited abroad, and that she should be called in question ... ..."the fact that Mrs. Parsons voluntarily appeared before the court desiring to clear herself of such an execrable crime, and that subsequently she argued her own case before the court must not be overlooked. On both these occasions she met her accusers boldly, protesting her innocence, and showing 'how clear she was of such a crime.' In this trial Mrs. Parsons was called to speak for herself and from the meager report upon record, undoubtedly did so most effectively." The court examined her, considered all the evidence, and deferred further action to its next meeting in November. There followed a second deferral "for special reasons" (about which the court did not elaborate).

    On January 5, 1675, the county magistrates conducted their most extended hearing of the case. The previous depositions were reviewed and (apparently) some new ones were taken. Both Samuel Bartlett and Mary Parsons were present in person once again.

    Mary was "called to speak for herself, [and] she did assert her own innocency, often mentioning ... how clear she was of such a crime, and that the righteous God knew her innocency - with whom she had left her cause." The magistrates decided that final jurisdiction in such matters belonged not to them but to the Court of Assistants in Boston . Still, considering "the season" and "the remoteness" [i.e., of their own court from Boston] and "the difficulties, if not incapabilities, or persons there to appear," they determined to do their utmost "in inquriing into the case." Among other things, they appointed a committee of "soberdized, chaste women" to conduct a body-search on Mary Parsons, to see "whether any marks of witchcraft might appear." (The result was "an account" which the court did not disclose.) Eventually, all the documents were gathered and forwarded to Boston.

    At the same court, and apparently as part of the same proceeding, "some testimony" was offered "reflecting on John Parsons." John was Mary's second son: he was twenty-four at the time, and as yet unmarried. How and why he should have been implicated in the charges against his mother cannot now be discovered; but the evidence was in any case unpersuasive. The court did "not find ... any such weight whereby he should be prosecute on suspicion of witchcraft" and discharged him accordingly.

    Meanwhile, the case against Mary Parsons moved towards its final round. On March 2, Mary was taken to Boston, "presented" at the Court of Assistants, and formally indicted by the grand jury. Thereupon the court ordered her commitment to prison until "her further trial." The trial came some ten weeks later (May 13, 1675). An imposing roster of Assistants lined the bench: the governor, the deputy-governor, and a dozen magistrates (including her husband's old associate, John Pynchon). However, her fate rested with "the jury of trails for life and death" - twelve men, of no particular distinction, from Boston and the surrounding towns. The indictment was read one last time: "Mary Parsons, the wife of Joseph Parsons ... being instigated by the Devil, hath ... entered into familiarity with the Devil, and committed several acts of witchcraft on the person or persons of one or more." The evidence in the case was also read. And "the prisoner at the bar, holding up her hand and pleading not guilty, ... [put] herself on her trial." The tension of this moment must have been very great, but it does not come through in the final, spare notation of the court recorder: "The jury brought in their verdict. They found her not guilty. And so she was discharged."

    The jury gave her a full acquittal of the crime. Of Mary's life subsequent to 1674 there is little direct information. She and her husband would eventually give up their home in Northampton and move back to Springfield. Joseph would died in 1683, leaving a substantial estate of £2,088, and Mary would enter a very long widowhood.

    She remained thereafter in Springfield, completed the rearing of her numerous progeny, and saw her sons - and then her grandsons - assume positions of prominence in several CT Valley towns. Death claimed her in January, 1712, when she was about eighty-five years old. She was not again tried for witchcraft, but neither was she ever free from local suspicion.



    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------


    References

    Descendants of Cornet Joseph Parsons, Springfield, 1636--Northampton, 1655 by Henry Parsons, A.M., Frank Allaben Genealogical Company

    History of Northampton by J. Hammond Trumbull, Vol. I, pp. 43-50; also on pages 228-234

    Witch-Hunting in Seventeenth-Century New England by Davd D. Hall, Northeastern University Press, Second Edition, Boston, MA, 1999

    Entertaining Satan by John Putnam Demons, Oxford University Press, New York, 1982

    Graphic - "Arresting a Witch" - 1883 Illustration in Harper's New Monthly Magazine by Howard Pyle


    The Witchcraft Case (1674)

    ife for the Parsons continued, with Mary bearing more children, and Joseph growing more successful in his business and civic life. But in August of 1674, Mary (Bridgman) Bartlett, wife of Samuel Bartlett and daughter of Sara and James Bridgman, died unexpectedly at a young age (probably about 22).

    Mary Parsons was again suspected of witchcraft. At the urging of Mary's father, the widower Samuel Bartlett filed a complaint against Mary Parsons, and on September 29th, 1674, Hampshire County Court received the testimonies of family, friends, and neighbors. On January 5th, 1675, county magistrates conducted a hearing, at which Mary spoke for herself. Her body was searched for signs of "witch marks." The magistrates decided that this was beyond their jurisdiction, so they sent the case to the Court of Assistants in Boston.

    On March 2nd, Mary was taken to Boston and "presented" at the Court of Assistants. She was then committed to prison until her trial, where she no doubt endured harsh conditions. While her family's money was probably able to buy her a larger cell and provide her with decent food and clean water, the situation was certainly unpleasant. On May 13th, Mary was acquitted by a jury of twelve men from the Boston area. William Pynchon sat on the case (along with other dignitaries). Again, Joseph's business dealings with Pynchon may have helped his wife's case, and surely the money and prestige of the family worked in Mary's favor.

    After this, it appears that Mary and Joseph may have remained in Boston for some time, as Joseph had a warehouse in Boston and may have been engaged in some business. They still maintained their residence in Northampton for the next few years, but as Mary's reputation in Northampton had not improved, they do not appear to have been eager to return.

    When Mary's son, Ebenezer was killed September of 1675 in battle with the Indians at Northfield, many felt that this was punishment for Mary's dealings with the devil. Local legend claims that they believed: "though human judges may be bought off, God's vengeance neither turns aside nor slumbers!"

    Aftershocks and Outcome

    In 1676, James Bridgman died; his estate probate inventory yielded a value of 114 pounds. While it might seem that with him, the grudge between the Parsons and Bridgmans would die out, this was not the case. Back in Northampton, on March 7th of 1678[/9], a man named John Stebbins died in mysterious circumstances. His wife was the sister of Samuel Bartlett, who was the widower of Mary (Bridgman) Bartlett. Believing that Stebbins had been killed by witches, Samuel Bartlett gathered evidence to send to Boston in 1679, although the court did not make any indictments. Unfortunately, Bartlett's evidence and the records of the case have disappeared; many suppose that Mary Parsons was suspected in the case, due to the involvement of Bartlett.

    Since it was clear that the rumors and suspicions were not going to end, Mary and Joseph Parsons permanently left Northampton in 1679 or 1680, and returned to Springfield. Mary and Joseph Parsons' grandson, Nathaniel Parsons (1686 - 1736) probably raised the house that is known today as "The Parsons House."

    Cornet Joseph Parsons died in Springfield on October 9th, 1683, leaving a large estate of over 2000 pounds to his wife and children. Mary went on to live almost 30 years more, and appears to have made a considerable fortune with the money.

    While it might seem that Mary Parsons' troubles were left behind once she removed from Northampton, her reputation as a witch apparently lived on for many years. In 1702, Mary was again the subject of neighborhood gossip. Hannah (Parsons) Glover's husband, Peletiah Glover complained in local court that Betty Negro struck their son (Peletiah junior) and told him that his grandmother (i.e., Mary Parsons) had killed several people, and that his mother (Hannah) was "half a witch." Both John Pynchon and Joseph Parsons Junior presided and sentenced Betty to lashes at the hand of Thomas Bliss.

    If marriages can mend fences between such bitterly opposed families, perhaps there was eventually reconciliation. In 1711, Mary Parsons, granddaughter of Mary (Bliss) Parsons, married Ebenezer Bridgman, grandson of Sarah Bridgman. Mary Parsons herself was alive to witness the union, although no accounts survive to detail her reaction to it. The young couple removed to Belchertown and had three children, Joseph, Ebenezer, and Mary. That their children were named after both of Mary's parents perhaps might indicate that they were still on good terms with her side of the family.

    Mary (Bliss) Parsons died in Springfield on January 29th, 1712. Five of her eleven children survived her (Joseph, John, Samuel, Hannah, and Esther).



    The Slander Case (1656)

    s Sarah Bridgman's gossip about Mary Parsons spread, Joseph Parsons decided to take decisive action to stop any further damage to the reputation of his wife and family. In 1656, during the month of August, testimony was presented before commissioners at Springfield in the case of Parsons v Bridgman, and in October the case was brought before the Magistrates' Court at Cambridge.

    The testimony in the case involves various community members testifying on behalf of Mary Parsons that they had heard Sarah Bridgman abusing her character. On the other side of the case were the many individuals defending Sarah's accusations as not slander, but truth; these individuals cited various encounters with Mary that seemed to prove that she had caused them (or their property) harm.

    It seems that Mary was believed to be the cause of a strange variety of problems for her neighbors. Chief among her offenses is the death of William Hannum's cow. Hannum testified that "Mary came to my house about the yarn that she missed and then we had a falling out about it and some discontented words passed on both sides: this was in an evening, and as I take it in March last and that evening all my Cattle were well for ought I could see by them, the next morning One cow lay in my yard, ready to die as I thought: which when I had considered I endeavored to get her up and at length got her to stand: but she languished away and died about a fortnight after, though I took great care night and day to save her, giving her wholesome drinks eggs etc. and this Cow being young was hefty before this very time." Such accusations, indicating that Mary was responsible for damage to livestock and property, appear frequently in the record, and were intended to "prove" that Mary was involved in witchcraft.

    The focus of the case, however, was not Mary's guilt, but Sarah's. Sarah Bridgman's own testimony is perhaps the most damaging, accusing Mary of causing harm, not to her animals, but to her own child. Sarah testified that "having my child in my lap, there was something that gave a great blow on the door, and at very instant as I apprehended my child changed : and I thought with myself and told my girl I was afraid my child would die. And I sent out the girl to look who it was at the door, but she could see nobody about the house : Presently after the girl came in, I looking towards the door thorough a hole by the door, I saw to my apprehension two women pass by the door with white clothes on their heads, then I concluded my child would die indeed : and I sent out the girl to see who they were but she could see nobody : they made me think there is wickedness in the place."

    As the case unfolded however, the many alliances within the community were uncovered, and it seems that some individuals who had first testified on Sarah's behalf later changed their stories. For instance, we learn that soon after testifying about Mary's curious behavior, John Matthews recanted, claiming that he "hath at present no grounds of jealousy for himself, of Mary Parsons the wife of Joseph Parsons, to be a witch, and that what he testified yesterday on oath was upon the earnest Importunity of James Bridgman and his Brother."

    While the strange coincidences and incidents with livestock might be ignored by us today, members of her community, and perhaps even her own family firmly believed that Mary had supernatural powers. Curious stories of Mary had been circulating in the area for some time. For instance, "William Branch of Springfield testified on oath that when I lived at the long meadow and Joseph Parsons lived there, a certain time Joseph Parsons told me that wherever he lay the key his wife could find it : and would go out in the night and that when she went out a woman went out with her and came in with her but says Joseph Parsons God preserves his with his Angels: and further the said William Branch sayth that while they lived together in the Long Meddow; George Cotton told me that he following Mary Parsons in her fit, he followed her thorough the water where he was up to the knees and she was not wet : this thing I told to William Pynchon when he was here : who wondered at it but said he could not tell what to say to it."

    But ultimately, what had to be proven was that Sarah had been spreading rumors maliciously. To this end, Mary's own mother, Margaret Bliss, "testifieth that Sarah Bridgman told her that she did hear that her daughter Parsons was suspected to be a witch." Hearing the recanting of some testimony, and finding other stories perhaps inexplicable or too wild it seemed clear that Sarah was guilty of slander.

    The magistrates issued their decision in favor of the Parsonses, and ordered Sarah Bridgman to make public apology for her slander in both Northampton and Springfield, or to pay a fine. It appears that despite the financial hardship, Sarah chose to pay the fine rather than submit to the public humiliation.

    The court's decision did nothing to change the opinion of Sarah or the Bridgman clan. In 1668 Sarah Bridgman died at the age of about forty-seven, but her family still held a grudge against the Parsons, and over time, the testimony from the slander case would be evidence in Mary's own trial for witchcraft.



    The Mary (Bliss) Parsons Story

    ary Parsons is perhaps the most infamous resident of Northampton's early settlement period. She was involved in witchcraft-related trials in 1656 and 1674, and possibly again in 1679. Her story is a fascinating one that sheds light on the workings of the Puritan mind and the complicated social and cultural situation of the period.

    The Parsonses were one of the first families of Northampton; Historic Northampton's buildings are located on what was once Parsons family land, where Mary and her husband, Cornet Joseph Parsons, started their family in the newly settled town. The Parsonses moved to Northampton in 1654, where the were very successful. Cornet Joseph Parsons earned his title as a color-bearer in the Hampshire Troop of Horses, and held various positions of merit in the town. In his early career, he earned money and distinction working as a merchant and fur trader for the Pynchon family, and eventually kept the first house of entertainment in Northampton; the Parsonses would eventually become the wealthiest family in Northampton. Their wealth can also be measured in terms of their family size: Mary and Joseph had a total of eleven children, most of whom lived to adulthood.

    But soon after the Parsonses moved to Northampton, rumors of witchcraft began to circulate, implying that the family's success came at the expense of other families, and was the result of Mary's dealings with the devil. To head off the allegations, Joseph Parsons initiated a slander case in 1656, which he won. But eighteen years later, Mary was officially accused of and tried for witchcraft in 1674. She was eventually acquitted, but it seemed that the residents of Northampton, despite any court decrees, were convinced that Mary was a witch. Mary may have been the subject of another witchcraft inquiry in 1679; however, no records remain to prove this theory. Joseph and Mary Parsons left Northampton in 1679 or 1680, amid lingering questions and gossip.

    The story of Mary's trial in Northampton serves to show how the law courts worked in such complicated cases, and establishes a pattern that can be seen in witchcraft trials across New England, eventually culminating in the Salem Witch Hysteria in 1692.

    http://wc.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/igm.cgi?op=GET&db=princessinot&id=I00620

    Children:
    1. Joseph Parsons was born on 01 Nov 1647 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 21 Nov 1749 in Northampton, Hampshire Co, Massachusetts; was buried in Bridge Street Cem, Northampton, Hampshire Co, Massachusetts.
    2. John Parsons was born on 14 Aug 1650 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 19 Apr 1728 in Northampton, Hampshire Co, Massachusetts.
    3. 7. Sarah Parsons, (daughter?) was born on 13 Aug 1656 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; was christened on 18 Aug 1656 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts; died on 27 Jun 1740 in Springfield, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.
    4. Abigail Parsons was born on 3 Sep 1666 in Northampton, Hampshire Co, Massachusetts; died on 27 Jun 1689 in Longmeadow, Hampden Co, Massachusetts.